Mastering the Regional Disparities Key to Bihar Elections
Bihar heads into elections with stark regional divides shaping the contest. Each of its nine zones has distinct demographics, challenges, and political leanings Decoding these disparities is key to understanding past results and the road ahead.
Tejashwi Yadav and Nitish Kumar in happier times (File Photo)
Via WikiCommons
By Amitabh Tiwari
Amitabh Tiwari, formerly a corporate and investment banker, now follows his passion for politics and elections, startups and education. He is Founding Partner at VoteVibe.
September 29, 2025 at 9:56 AM IST
With the Bihar poised to announce election dates, political fever is rising. The bipolar battle between NDA and MGB is turning triangular with Prashant Kishor’s Jansuraj entering the fray as an X-factor. Issues of development, caste, and leadership will be decisive.
The state has nine administrative zones, each with distinct features, forcing parties to craft tailored strategies rather than one-size-fits all campaigns.
NDA led in six zones: Tirhut, Darbhanga, Kosi, Purnia, Munger and Bhagalpaur while MGB was leading in Magadh, Saran and Patna zones. The NDA eventually clinched power with 125 seats to the MGB’s 110.
PATNA Patna division comprises six districts: Patna, Nalanda, Bhojpur, Buxar, Kaimur, and Rohtas with 43 seats. In the 2020 elections, the MGB won 29 seats, the NDA 13, and the BSP one. With Hindus forming 89.4% of the population and Muslims 10.2%, communal polarisation is less intense here than in Seemanchal.
Patna scores 6% higher than the state average on literacy and 26% higher on per capita income. Yet, industrialisation remains weak, fuelling unemployment and migration. Land disputes, poor rural roads, and overcrowding in the capital contrast with weak educational outcomes outside Patna.
PURNIA Purnia division comprises four districts, Purnia, Katihar, Araria, and Kishanganj districts, with 24 seats. In 2020, AIMIM made its debut winning 5 seats, NDA won 12 and MGB 7. Purnia is the fourth largest city in Bihar, and is emerging as the largest economic hub in North Bihar. This region is also known as Seemanchal.
Muslims form 46% of the population, Hindus 54%, making this division a frequent stage for polarisation politics. Floods, poor disaster management, and inadequate infrastructure compound low literacy, especially among women. Girls drop out early due to poverty and early marriage. The region also ranks among Bihar’s poorest, driving migration and unemployment.
KOSI Kosi division (13 seats), named after the “Sorrow of Bihar” river, suffers perennial flooding and erosion. It is located in the northeastern part of Bihar and includes three districts: Saharsa, Madhepura, and Supaul. The region is dominated by subsistence farming and sharecropping. Main crops are paddy, maize, makhana, and mustard.
Limited railway and road connectivity options isolate villages from district HQs. Electricity supply is irregular in many interior areas. Healthcare and education infrastructure are inadequate, with shortages of both teachers and specialist doctors.
TIRHUT Tirhut is in the northwestern part of Bihar. The division comprises six districts: Muzaffarpur, East Champaran, West Champaran, Vaishali, Sitamarhi, and Sheohar. It has 49 seats, out of which NDA won 33, and MGB 16 in 2020.
Tirhut is a hub of agricultural production. Major crops include rice, wheat, maize, sugarcane, and various pulses, along with mangoes and litchis. Tirhut is prone to annual flooding. Agriculture is constrained by low productivity, fragmented landholdings, and inadequate irrigation. Rural poverty remains high. Youth unemployment and seasonal migration are widespread. Industrial growth is hindered by poor infrastructure and limited investment. High maternal and infant mortality, child malnutrition, and disease outbreaks are common.
MAGADH Magadh zone in southern Bihar consists of five districts—Gaya, Nawada, Jehanabad, Arwal, and Aurangabad. Historically, it was the centre of the powerful Magadh Empire. Of the 26 seats, MGB won 20 and NDA just 6 seats in 2020 with JDU failing to win a single seat.
Agriculture is in crisis, industries are few, and migration is rampant. Communical and caste tensions—particularly Yadav-Muslim frictions in Gaya and Raput-Muslim rivalry in Aurangabad—make this a politically sensitive zone.
BHAGALPUR
Established in 1765, Bhagalpur is one of Bihar’s oldest administrative divisions. It includes two districts Bhagalpur and Banka. Hindus account for 82% and Muslims 18%. In Bhagalpur, there are 12 seats: NDA won 9 and MGB 3 in 2020. Bhagalpur’s per capita income ranks fourth in Bihar, behind Patna, Begusarai, and Munger.
Agriculture dominates via cultivators and labourers (~54%), indicating heavy agrarian reliance. Primary crops: paddy, maize, lentils; also cash crops like bananas, mangoes. Bhagalpur is Silk City: ~200 silk units, 11,000+ looms—major employer in both rural and urban pockets. A large share of agrarian and low-income households demand farm-related schemes (loan waivers, MSP, rural employment). Industrial belt workers (Barari, Kahalgaon) seek stable wage employment.
MUNGER
Munger division comprises six districts: Munger, Lakhisarai, Begusarai, Jamui, Khagaria, and Sheikhpura. Economically, Munger city and Jamalpur serve as key industrial hubs. It is regarded as the erstwhile kingdom of Karna in the Mahabharata. Of the 22 seats in Munger, NDA won 11 and MGB 9 seats in 2020 with Others bagging 2 seats.
Major industries include the Jamalpur railway workshop and the ITC cigarette and packaging factory, complemented by a historical legacy in firearms manufacturing. Agriculture remains the primary economic activity, characterised by diverse crop cultivation but limited mechanisation. Allied activities such as dairy, goatery, poultry, and fishery are gaining prominence, offering avenues for rural income diversification. Munger is a tourist attraction because of the famous Bihar School of Yoga.
DARBHANGA
Darbhanga division comprises three districts: Darbhanga, Madhubani, and Samastipur, with a total of 30 assembly seats. Economically, the region is considered the cultural heart of Mithila, linked to the Ramayana era where Sita was born. Of the 30 seats in the zone, NDA won 22 and MGB 8 seats. Known for Madhubani art, makhana, and fisheries, it still faces floods, migration, and drinking water shortages.
The zone faces drinking water problems, lack of colleges & universities, and river floods every year, unemployment and migration. Around 1.5 lakh people leave every year (2021 study: 31% to Punjab, 27% to Delhi). Remittances equal 20–25% of local income. 75% land depends on rain, 85% farms are small (<1 hectare). Floods damage 25–30% crops, causing heavy financial losses.
SARAN
Saran Division comprises three districts: Saran, Siwan, and Gopalganj, with 24 assembly seats. In 2020, NDA won 9 and MGB 15 seats. Chhapra is the key trade hub along the Ganges, historically associated with the ancient Kosala kingdom and Emperor Ashoka’s legacy. Major industries include sugar milling, textiles, and the proposed pharma park.
The zone faces drinking water & waterlogging issues, lack of colleges & universities. Only 11.5% students go for higher studies (AISHE 2024-25). Students move to Patna/Muzaffarpur for studies. Ganga & Gandak rivers flood every year. Around 1.8 lakh people migrate every year. (2021 data: 35% to Punjab). Health outcomes are alarming, with high levels of stunting and malnutrition among children.
Winning Strategies For the MGB to win, it must present more than criticism. A credible white paper on job creation is essential. It must also show how it will reduce polarisation in North Bihar, manage floods, and attract industry. It needs to highlight structural changes that will be incorporated and improve ease of doing business, which was a major failure of the Nitish government. A coherent tourism policy to leverage Bihar’s cultural heritage could boost local incomes, given the state’s absence from India’s top ten tourist destinations.
The MGB, NDA and the JSP must all demonstrate how they will tackle Bihar’s structuralweaknesses—low per capita income, weak industrialisation, flooods, and migration—while addressing regional variations. Just as criticising won’t help the opposition, resting on laurels won’t help the incumbent. Bihar languishes at the bottom of HDI rankings, and rhetoric will not suffice. What the state needs is a development mission mode.
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